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CHATTANOOGA TENNESSEE A CASE STUDY IN RACISM AND BLACK ON BLACK DISCRIMINATION (See: Black Conspiracy: Chapter 1: The Origins of The Conspiracy)

Contemporary Sodom and Gomorrah: Vice, infamy, Judgment

Part 3: The Establishment of a Racist Political System

Economics and politics have influenced the historical development of racism and Black on Black discrimination in Chattanooga. As those once held in bondage attempts to survive and benefit from the freedom granted by the United States Constitution exploitation continues. Since the franchise was granted to Blacks there have been efforts to control the Black electorate. A series of political events that challenge Black political independence will eventually result in the establishment of the unconstitutional commission form of government. The evidence also reveals that many precedents were set during this early (1880-1928) period of political activity that effect the contemporary period.

Chattanooga, as a unique southern political entity, did not see a rapid decline in the franchise for Blacks after Reconstruction and during the 1880's. Located in east Tennessee and bordering Georgia and Alabama, Chattanooga had considerable industry. In comparison, west Tennessee (Memphis) had an agricultural economy, which had a direct bearing on the attitude and personality of the Black population.

Many Blacks that lived in an agricultural environment during this period took on a" plantation mentality." Plantation mentality refers to Black inferiority complexes and the acceptance of the subservient posture of a slave. In Chattanooga, the period 1880- 1911 saw significant electoral involvement by Black Chattanoogans. A new era began by 1911- 1928, and here we will see the direct control and manipulation of the Black electorate.

Blacks made up 40% of the population in 1880. The Black vote was critical in all elections. Joseph H. Cartwright's research "The Triumph of Jim Crow" argues that: "In Chattanooga during this period, Blacks helped keep the city in Republican hands for most of the period from the Civil War through the eighties."

Henry M. Wiltze notes that during this period: "There were Negro Fire Companies, Negroes on the Police Force, Negroes on the Board of Education, and a Negro Militia Company, a Negro City Bank, Black Justices of the Peace, Constables, Deputy Sheriffs, State Legislators and Jurors and a Negro Circuit Court Clerk."

Wiltze clearly notes that Black political power in Chattanooga was significant. Black political power in Chattanooga exceeded that of the two largest cities in the state, Memphis and Nashville. The Black coalition with the Republican Party accounted for political patronage and various concessions from the local White Republicans. Black political power eventually caused reactions by elements within the White community. During the Spring of 1883, elements within the White community started a drive to place control of the city government in the hands of the state government. In this move to offset growing Black political power, the White community sought to repeal the city charter. The new proposed selection system would allow the governor to make appointments to local boards and commission posts. If they approved this system, it would seriously hinder ward politics, which had generated the Black bloc vote. Eventually, the solid Black voting bloc was challenged when they proposed that "candidates for all Commission posts should be elected at large."

The campaign to repeal the city charter was not successful, but, a compromise bill passed the legislature in 1883. This compromise bill limited the power of Black ward politics. This new measure stipulated that a majority vote would elect all council members of the entire city. Black Chattanoogans showed their resolve by creating an independent political organization, by undertaking a voter registration drive, and by drawing up a list of candidates to support in the coming municipal election of 1883. The organizing efforts by the Black community were successful. The ongoing ability of the Black community to decide election results fostered a revival of the movement to revoke the city's charter. This new drive to open an increase in Black registered voters promoted the charter fight and the increase in Chattanooga's Black population. "By the end of the fiscal year in 1884, Chattanooga contained 14,073 White people and a Black population of 9,023."

The evidence suggests that during this period, Black Chattanoogans were able political organizers and moved toward addressing concerns in the Black community. It is also evident, that the manipulation and control of the Black electorate had not emerged during this period. Further evidence reveals though, that, the White resistance to Black political power in Chattanooga took on elements of racism.

"Although Blacks had no representatives in the General Assembly after 1889, they often used defacto segregation in urban housing patterns to elect Aldermen, Justices of the Peace and School Directors." Blacks were elected to office throughout the state. Nevertheless, the situation in Chattanooga represented an environment more adaptable to Black political involvement. "There, a significant large Black population (approximately 40% from 1870 until 1910) combined with aggressive leadership and White tolerance to achieve regular representation in city government." The dominant political personality in the Black community at the turn of the century was Hiram Tyree. Tyree was the political leader in the most populated Black ward in the city.

In 1901 to curtail Black political power in Chattanooga, we see further developments of political racism. "The state legislature reorganized Chattanooga's City government along bicameral lines. Although they never mentioned race in discussions of the new system, Tyree lost his bid for reelection in 1902. He was forced in 1904 to drop down to the larger and newly created City Council. He served at this post with Charles Griggsby until the inauguration of the commission system of government in 1911."

Joseph Cartwright argues that the Jim Crow system eventually caused the social, political and economic conditions of Blacks to be restricted. Cartwright further argues that this period (the eighties) was a transitional period. Thus, the system of Jim Crow became a part of the southern experience. "Although it is impossible to assign any specific time to the emergence of a Jim Crow system based on racial discrimination. Several individual incidents provide some idea of what behavior was accepted as normal and what seems extraordinary. "

Ed Johnson, a Black man, was convicted of raping a White woman in 1906. He was subsequently, taken from the County Jail and lynched, March 20 of the same year. "They threatened the Black attorneys who represented Johnson with lynching and eventually they were forced to leave the city." The factors of legalized racism caused increased reactions in the Black community. Lamon, in his work "Black Tennesseans 1900-1930" argues that Black attitudes began to change. "Four companies of militias had been necessary in Chattanooga in 1906 in order to control an estimated 2,000 to 4,000 Negroes who gathered to protest the blatant and semi-official lynching of Ed Johnson."

The increasing efforts of Jim Crow and discrimination caused the Black community to boycott the city transportation system. On July 4, 1905, Black Chattanoogans began a boycott of the city transportation system. There was some disunity in the Black community, because the political, educational and clerical leaders in the Black community did not openly support the boycott. Randolph Miller was the leading organizer of the boycott. Miller could voice considerable protest against the segregated transportation system, through the newspaper he published, "The Chattanooga Blade." Through the efforts of Randolph Miller, Chattanooga Blacks while boycotting the White owned transportation system, moved to form a Black independent transportation system. Miller was a founder of a "system of hack lines that traveled between the city and out lying Black communities of Churchville, St. Elmo, Fort Cheatham and Tannery Flats."

The theoretical conclusions, gained from this period, stipulate that this was a period of independent protest by the Black community. I would argue that the material conditions of Blacks have grown worse in the absence of protest. Aspects of protest were evident throughout this early period, not only in a political sense, but in all aspects of society.

By 1911, with the establishment of the Commission form of Government, Black political involvement took a new direction, The Commission system stipulated that Commissioners and the mayor would be elected citywide. As a voting minority Blacks were not able to elect any Black representatives. For the record we will later see the White Power Structure manipulating the White and Black Electorate by 1971 to elect a Black person to the City Commission. This factor is a further indication of the Black Conspiracy and the highest degree of control politics.

For all practical purposes the Black vote was still important. The conspiracy to manipulate and control the Black vote began to take shape. The ****** Straw Boss (HNIC) Head ****** in Charge had been a slave time philosophy used to control Black slaves. As we continue our series, we will see the re-emergence of this cruel system of control. Thus we see assigned and created Black leaders taking on the title of "Black Slave Driver" (HNIC) in the early and contemporary political arenas.

Cont. Part 4: The Precedents of Treason: Walter C. Robinson

Also see: The Black Preacher: The Shame of the Ministry http://home.joimail.com/~carlpatton/shameblackpreacher/

FreedomJournal Censorship http://home.joimail.com/~carlpatton/

About the Author

Carl Patton believes in Free Speech as a God given right.