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CHATTANOOGA TENNESSEE A CASE STUDY IN RACISM AND BLACK ON BLACK DISCRIMINATION

Contemporary Sodom and Gomorrah: Vice, Infamy, Judgment

Part 6: A Leading Example of Control Politics: The Redistricting of the 29th District

(Updated 11 August 2006. Editors note: all information in this series is taken from a Doctoral Dissertation that was rejected by the Political Science Department at Atlanta University now know as Clark AU in Atlanta, GA)

A leading example of control politics was the redistricting plan for the 29th Legislative District. Redistricting plans in the Tennessee State Legislature in 1980 drastically changed the precinct make-up of the 29th Legislative District in Chattanooga. The restructuring of the 29th District insures only one Black representative from Hamilton County.

The evidence suggests that the plan to dilute the Black vote in the 29th district was known to the Black leadership structure well before they introduced and passed it in the General Assembly. I would argue that John Franklin (Commissioner of Health and Education) and specifically Clarence B. Robinson (state representative 28th district) did not challenge the redistricting plan because they were paid to support an obvious dilution of the Black vote. From my investigation, no one in the Black leadership structure chose to challenge the redistricting plan. In fact, the average citizen did not know that they had imposed the redistricting plan. As a resident of the 29th district, I drafted a letter to Mr. Laughlin McDonald, Director of the American Civil Liberties Union, Atlanta, Georgia.

The letter to the ACLU noted evidence of the obvious violation of the Voting Rights Act. The American Civil Liberties Union responded to the correspondence August 5, 1982. The response consisted of a cover letter by Laughlin McDonald and a memorandum prepared by Neil Bradley. Mr. Bradley's memo clearly assumes that the present information is not sufficient to contest the case.

I would agree with Mr. Bradley that Blacks made up only 45% of the population before redistricting. It is also important to note that the 28th and the 29th Legislative Districts house most the Black population in Chattanooga. As a political observer in Chattanooga, I would argue that 28th district was/is a solid Black district with no possibility of becoming heavily populated by White people. I would also argue that over time this district would consistently move toward becoming 90 to 100 percent Black. Also, from my investigation and observation, I would argue that the 29th district is a district (before redistricting) that would also gradually show an increase in the Black population.

An understanding of the demographics of Blacks in Chattanooga is very important. Therefore the 29th district was/is more inclined to have Blacks moving in and Whites moving out than any other area in Chattanooga. Therefore, I argue with confidence that there was no need to add Black voters to the 28th district. The nonexistent threat of losing the 28th district is, of course, totally unfounded. What is clear is that the switching of precincts was done to serve a certain interest in Chattanooga. An investigation of interview data especially the statements by Carl Jackson and Ed Burkeen (Jackson and Burkeen were both active in Black Politics) note that the economic motive often guides Black leaders. (See: Unpublished manuscript that was a doctoral dissertation that was rejected by Atlanta University Political Science Department The Black Conspiracy, Chapter 3 and 5. This information hopefully will be published regardless of the CENSORSHIP AND THE DENIAL OF ACADEMIC FREEDOMS). The White power structure has supported and financed Black leadership. Thus, with no accountability to the Black community Black leaders have not fallen from grace due to a no action attitude toward a challenge to the redistricting question. Consequently I would argue that the specific interest of Black leadership is economic gain and allegiance to the White power structure.

The history of the 29th district is one of White dominance. It is a well-known fact among the people that live in Chattanooga, that the 29th district has a steady increase in Black population. The White incumbent, Bob Davis was always able to get Black support even when opposed by a Black candidate. From my observation and investigation, Bob Davis was able consistently to manipulate the Black vote in the 29th district by paying off key individuals throughout the Black community in Chattanooga.

A general review of the population figures regarding the precincts added to the 29th district is quite conclusive. The seven precincts added to the 29th district are all predominant White precincts. Also from my observation and investigation, the areas added will note very little, if any, increase in Black population. From all indications, the seven precincts in question will note on-going increases in the White population.

Soon after we received this communication from the ACLU, I drafted another letter. In this letter I attempted to include the information requested by Mr. McDonald and Mr. Bradley. I received a reply from Mr. McDonald in September 1983. (We believe that this correspondence and compliant filed with the ACLU office was one of the reasons for the rejection of this research as a doctoral dissertation in Political Science at Atlanta University. (See Introduction to the Black Conspiracy unpublished manuscript that was rejected as a Doctoral Dissertation by Atlanta University no Clark AU).

In this correspondence, Mr. McDonald maintains that he believes that it is not worthwhile to challenge in court the reapportionment of the 29th district. I would agree that reapportionment inherently involves changing lines, altering racial balance, dividing areas, etc. Realizing these factors of reapportionment though, does not defeat what I view as valid reasons for challenging the reapportionment of the 29th district. It is clear from a review of the data that the geographic boundaries of the 29th district after reapportionment are quite confusing. I would argue that a review of the evidence clearly shows that the intent of reapportionment in the 29th district was to dilute the Black vote.

There was no reaction by Black officials concerning the reapportionment of the 29th district. From my observation no one challenged the ruling nor was there any discussion of the proposed plan before its enactment. No one in the State Legislature including Clarence B. Robinson (only Black representative from Chattanooga) raised any questions concerning the future impact of the 29th district as a majority White District.

We have previously mentioned that Black officials in Chattanooga hold personal economic gain as a priority and are loyal to the White power structure that offers economic concessions. Carl Jackson notes another factor that possibly also influenced Clarence Robinson to support a dilution of the Black vote.

"A good example of how the leadership structure operates is the redistricting plan in the 29th district. Soon after the redistricting went into effect, state representative Clarence B. Robinson had a bridge named after him."

The political history of the 29th district concerning Black electoral participation can be assigned a starting point in 1971. In 1969 Bob Davis a White insurance agent was elected to the state legislature representing the 29th district. I would argue that the White community allowed John Franklin's election to the city commission in 1971 as a token gesture. The Voting Rights Act and other legislation eventually opened the door for Black elected officials throughout the South. However, from all indications the ascendancy of Blacks to public office in Chattanooga was controlled.

Clarence B. Robinson was elected to the state legislature (representing the 28th district) in 1975. This district has remained consistently 95% Black. Therefore, it is only logical that the 28th district would have a Black representative. A brief review of the legislative districts in Hamilton County may give us additional insight regarding why the White power structure has sought to allow only one Black representative in the state legislature. Only five legislative districts are solely in Hamilton County. The districts in Hamilton County are 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th and 31st. I would argue that the power structure knew that due to the growing Black population and rapid gain in Black voters in the 29th district they stood the chance of losing the district if the precinct make-up remained the same. The repeated challenges to White domination support this point.

The historical and political development of the resulting redistricting plan was caused by: (1) the rapid gain in Black voters throughout the 29th district. (2) Contradictions posed by Black leaders in their support of White incumbent Bob Davis over Black challengers. The efforts of John Franklin and Clarence Robinson to support Bob Davis (White incumbent) over George Key (local president of the NAACP) for the 29th legislative seat caused a serious division in the Chattanooga Black leadership ranks.

The refusal of Franklin and Clarence Robinson to support George Key for his bid for the 29th legislative seat in 1975 is an example of the apparent disunity within the Black power structure. From my analysis the disunity in the Black community supports the unified White power structure's efforts to control Black leaders and advocate for continued disharmony.

Cont. Part 7: The Second Stage of Control Politics: John P. Franklin

Also see: The Black Preacher: The Shame of the Ministry http://home.joimail.com/~carlpatton/shameblackpreacher/

FreedomJournal Censorship http://home.joimail.com/~carlpatton/