CHATTANOOGA TENNESSEE A CASE STUDY IN RACISM AND BLACK ON BLACK DISCRIMINATION
Contemporary Sodom and Gomorrah: Vice, Infamy, Judgment (Updated 11 August 2006. Editors note: all information in this series is taken from a Doctoral Dissertation that was rejected by the Political Science Department at Atlanta University now know as Clark AU in Atlanta, GA)
Part 7: The Second Stage of Control Politics: John P. Franklin
The passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 caused significant developments related to Black politics in Chattanooga. However, in Chattanooga Blacks did not benefit from the passage of the Voting Rights Act. The evidence reveals that the power structure in Chattanooga firmly established a system of control politics. This system did not allow independent Black leadership elected or appointed. Therefore Black officials (elected and appointed) served at the pleasure of the White power structure as puppets and tokens of White paternalism.
The role of Black Political Scientists and Black Historians hinges on their responsibility to make an analysis of the Black experience in America from a Black perspective. Therefore a review of the record does not support any Black political independence during this period or during the previous period. There are many assumptions and facts about why and how Blacks moved to hold elective office during the contemporary period. Ingrained in the arguments concerning the emergence of Black elected officials are two primary points: The utility of electoral politics for the Black community and the empirical results of electing Blacks to office.
With the arrival of Blacks in the political arena, how can we evaluate Black political progress? The findings of researches and scholars have varied according to their background. It is documented that many discriminatory and unconstitutional institutions have characterized the region since post reconstruction. Thus, the contemporary period differs considerably from the traditional period. The demise of certain institutions has caused a new evolution in political science research. This research concerns the changing levels of participation in southern politics.
Involved also in the discussion of southern institutions is the evident discrimination of Blacks in the electoral arena. The realization of the Black subordination theory is essential toward understanding the general Black involvement in the southern electoral arena. The most outstanding characteristic of Black political involvement has been the subordination of Blacks by Whites. Therefore, the institutionalized belief that White domination is a factor of White superiority still exists.
JOHN P. FRANKLIN: FIRST BLACK ELECTED TO THE CHATTANOOGA CITYCOMMISSION By 1971 with the increase in the Black population in Chattanooga and various other factors, John P. Franklin was elected to the Chattanooga City Commission. Franklin was elected as the Commissioner of Health and Education. John Franklin is in the mortuary business. Matthews and Prothro note that Black businesspeople have had a history of involvement in leadership roles in the Black community.
"Considered as a group, Negro businessmen are second only to preachers in being viewed as leaders. Morticians and funeral directors are placed in a separate category, because death invokes a segregated set of activities in the South requiring a Negro mortician virtually in every community."
The election of John Franklin in 1971 showed the increased involvement of the Black electorate. Contrary to some views, the evidence suggests that Franklin was chosen to run for the commission seat by representatives of the Black political leadership and the White power structure. From all indications Franklin was the handpicked choice of the racist White people who control the economic and political arenas in Chattanooga. The commission system was made up of a Mayor, Commissioner of Health and Education, Commissioner of Fire and Police, Commissioner of Public Works and Commissioner of Public Utilities.
Chuck Stone gives us a theoretical framework to determine why certain departments are open to Black officials when others are not. "Political power can be quantified and measured by the proportion of elective offices and jobs in specific areas. Stone's Index of Proportional Equality establishes minimum standards for measuring the political power of an ethnic group." Stone mentions all city departments, because historically Black appointments are made in departments with less influence. These departments are human relations, education and welfare departments. From Stone's investigation Black people are seldom appointed to positions in finance, real estate, construction, city contracts, public works, buildings and taxes. The low key role, the White power structure allowed Black elected and appointed officials, is a token gesture. Therefore it is argued that their tenure in office has been designed to be ineffective and controlled by the White power structure. Mr. Carl Jackson and Mr. Walter Tate (both legendary Black Political Activist) compare the early and contemporary political eras in Chattanooga. Mr. Jackson notes the following: "Blacks always went with the money despite the party. There is no real difference in Chattanooga Black politics today than it was during Walter Robinson's day. Blacks still take payoffs. In those days they had houses in the different precincts called instruction houses. These houses were what we called "good time houses" they involved drinking, gambling, etc. They also had tip books and other forms of gambling."
Tate and Jackson continue to agree on their comparative description of the early and contemporary political scene. Mr. Tate in responding to the possible similarities of early and contemporary Black political development illustrates what he describes as manipulation and control of the Black vote. Tate also sees the tangential nature of the contemporary political scene.
"Clarence B. Robinson attempted to attack Black people like Walter Robinson did in the early period by using patronage as a lever. There are three to five people from the White community that represent the power structure. They call them bag men. They distribute money throughout the Black community during elections to key figures. This process is also, tied in with illicit aspects of the community. Many clubs, taverns, beer halls and illegally operated liquor houses are also contacted during elections. The operators of these establishments are given money and other favors to roll the Black vote."
Mr. Ed Burkeen also expresses similar views regarding early Black political development, the existence of instruction houses and control of the Black vote. Mr. Burkeen became involved in politics during the early 1930's. Mr. Burkeen was a life long Republican and was politically active in the Republican Party during the Walter Robinson era.
"Each individual had to pay poll tax during this period. As a rule, Blacks were not able to pay the poll tax. Thus, the candidates paid the poll tax. Blacks were taken to the polls, given poll tax and instructed on whom to vote for. Thus, the control factor was involved."
A review of the record reveals that the system of control still exists in Chattanooga. From our analysis John P. Franklin became the contemporary "****** Straw Boss." Meanwhile, the vile and evil concessions of patronage and sexual exploitation of Black women continued. Also the record reveals that this era saw Black control politics reach a new level and include other factors that resemble Sodom and Gomorrah revisited. Therefore John P. Franklin's tenure as an elected official was an evil joke played on the Black community. Franklin had no interest in the problems in the Black community and only served to satisfy the interest of economic racism and his ungodly selfish motives.
Cont. Part 8: The Control of Civil Rights Organizations Also see: The Black Conspiracy, Chapter 3 and 6 unpublished manuscript previously rejected as a doctoral dissertation at Atlanta University Political Science Department.