CHATTANOOGA TENNESSEE A CASE STUDY IN RACISM AND BLACK ON BLACK DISCRIMINATION
Contemporary Sodom and Gomorrah: Vice, Infamy, Judgment
(Updated 11 August 2006. Editors note: all information in this series is taken from a Doctoral Dissertation that was rejected by the Political Science Department at Atlanta University now know as Clark AU in Atlanta, GA) Part 8: The Control of Civil Rights Organizations
Black political organizing in the United States has historically involved the quest for Human and Civil Rights. Therefore, with the control of Black political organizing there is also evidence of the control of Black Civil Rights organizations. The data uncovered about Black leadership in Chattanooga is also instrumental in assessing the role of organizing by the Black political leadership. How have Black political scientists viewed Black political organizing?
Black organizations in Chattanooga that have political involvement have a particular role in the electoral process. Generally, Black organizations in the South have functioned in a way that has not consistently represented the ongoing interests of the Black community. Matthews and Prothro in their research on Blacks in southern politics express several viewpoints about Black political organizations.
Matthews and Prothro argue that political organizing and political power are tied together. They define the most important bases of power as wealth, prestige and knowledge. The fact that southern Blacks have a few of these resources is instrumental toward defining Black political power in the realm of voting. Black organizing around voting strength is argued to be essential toward the Black community receiving justice from the electoral process.
Matthews and Prothro view the traditional and existing political organizations as ineffective toward promoting the interests of the Black community. They argue that "if Blacks are to organize for political purposes, they must create their own organizations." Most observers of Blacks in southern politics agree with Matthews and Prothro as to the significance of the "Smith versus Allwright decision in 1944, outlawing the White primary." Among other things Matthews and Prothro view the Smith versus Allwright decision as a key factor toward the development of southern Black political organizations.
Black bloc voting and political organizing were quite evident during the Walter Robinson era. A review of the data notes that Walter Robinson's "Colored Voter's League" had a tremendous impact on Chattanooga's early political scene. However, who benefited from the alleged Black voting strength and Black political organizing during this era? Essential to the successes of Black bloc voting were certain social factors. Segregation and Jim Crow resulted in successful Black bloc voting, and sometimes caused independent political action.
Many factors help the development of Black organizations. Matthews and Prothro maintain that among these factors are favorable White attitudes and styles of political leadership. Also, we must note that the Black community cannot control many of these factors.
The factors outlined by Matthews and Prothro have their utility in the evaluation of Black political organizations. Nevertheless, there are other factors involved in Black political organizing in Chattanooga. The data reveals that Black politics and organizing in Chattanooga moved from "positive protest" (independent political action) to machine type politics by 1911- 1928. The emergence of the political machine was a direct result of the growing political power in the Black community. Thus we see the White power structure acknowledge, the full potential of the Black community in the political arena. However they saw a need to develop, support, manipulate and control Black political leadership and organizations. Therefore, Black political and/or Civil Rights organizations were established to support the interest of the White power structure. Meanwhile mis-informed Blacks thought that since a Black person was identified in leadership for example in the NAACP, PUSH, SCLC, Urban League, Unity Group, that they (the Black community) had leadership.
BLACK VOTING AND POLITICAL ORGANIZING
Chuck Stone in his book "Black Political Power in America," provides a good discussion on the Black vote. Stone argues that over time southern Whites have been paranoid about the Black voting bloc. Thus voting blocs that resulted from White oppression was seen as a balance of power in all elections. In further analyzing the Black vote, Stone reveals that "because of its controlled habits, the Black vote can expect to be nothing more than an occasional and minimal influence in national, state, and local elections."
He argues that, they have taken the Black vote for granted since the New Deal. In national elections the Black vote has been consistently predictable; this factor has caused the Black community to lose its bargaining power. Stone concludes that the White power structure does not reward predictable votes like the groups that they do not control.
Professor Stone's arguments have considerable utility in the evaluation of the situation in Chattanooga. The evidence reveals that since 1928 the Black vote in Chattanooga has been predictable. Meanwhile, the leadership structure, political organizations and Civil Rights organizations in Chattanooga are corrupt and resist change. The resistance to change and the economic motives of Chattanooga's Black leadership has caused the minority community to relinquish all bargaining power. Cont. Part 9: The Black Caucus of Precinct Chairpersons: An Example of Machine Politics For a detailed discussion about the issues in this article see The Black Conspiracy Chapter 7 unpublished manuscript previously rejected as a doctoral dissertaion by Atlanta University Political Department. Also see "Big Ralph: Reflections of a Black Police Chief" for a concise discussion on Civil Rights organizations and leadership. This book was self-published by this writer in 1997 however it remains the most CENSORED book in American history.