Reprints Online

Writers Note: Does one have to be a political scientist, and a historian to know that most Black organizations and Black leaders profit from the on-going oppression of the Black and poor? Therefore, is it just common Sense to know that many people bid for leadership positions to Help Themselves? MEANWHILE THOSE WHO HAVE HAD A HISTORY OF STRUGGLING FOR HUMAN AND CIVIL RIGHTS ARE THROWN TO THE DOGS, THE DEMONS AND DEVILS OF MATERIALISTIC GREED. Peace, Carl A. Patton, Writing for The FreedomJournal 2000. CHATTANOOGA TENNESSEE A CASE STUDY IN RACISM AND BLACK ON BLACK DISCRIMINATION

Contemporary Sodom and Gomorrah: Vice, Infamy, Judgment (Updated 11 August 2006. Editors note: all information in this series is taken from a Doctoral Dissertation that was rejected by the Political Science Department at Atlanta University now know as Clark AU in Atlanta, GA)

Part 9: The Black Caucus of Precinct Chairpersons: An Example of Machine Politics

The economic motive of Black organizations and Black leaders is a crucial aspect of Dis-Unity in the Black community. Therefore, many political analysts have concluded that Black Vote Selling is a leading conspiracy ingrained in the on-going Black Holocaust in America. A review of the literature and an investigation of Black political organizations and Black voting in Chattanooga reveal very critical and disturbing facts. This investigation also reveals that Black vote selling is accepted and has become a way of life for the participants. Thus, the FreedomJournal as governed by the Creator has a responsibility to expose Black Vote Selling as a Crime against Humanity. (See Chapter 8: The Court Challenge: The Black Conspiracy unpublished manuscript previously rejected as a doctoral dissertation by Atlanta University Political Science Department.).

THE CONCEPTUALIZATION OF BLACK ORGANIZATIONS IN CHATTANOOGA

Hugh Douglas Price in his study "The Negro in Florida Politics, 1944-1954" gives his observations of Black political organizations using Florida as a case study. Price argues that, in Florida the effective Black organizations are local. The Florida Political Leagues that endorse candidates are quite similar to the Black Caucus of Precinct Chairpersons in Chattanooga. The Black Caucus of Precinct Chairpersons, like the Political Leagues in Florida, meets with the various candidates. The Caucus reviews their past records, examines their positions on pending issues, and sometimes even submits a questionnaire on specific issues. The marked difference between the Florida Political Leagues and the Black Caucus in Chattanooga is gleaned from the following quotation by Price:

"The subject of money may or may not become important. Some groups are so sensitive on this point that they refuse any contributions from candidates even for expenses; others operate on a fee basis with endorsements going to the candidates they believe best, provided they pay the minimum assessments."

The evidence reveals that Black political organizations such as the Black Caucus of Precinct Chairpersons in Chattanooga have a definite economic motive. I would argue, that in Chattanooga the Caucus endorsements have very little to do with the political realities of the Black community. Often, the Caucus Chairperson will steer the Black Caucus toward endorsing the candidate who gives the Chairperson the most money. The money paid to the Chair of the Caucus is distributed among the Precinct Chairpersons, the amount depending on how loyal the Precinct Chairpersons are to the Chair of the Caucus.

As a Precinct Chair of the Eastdale Precinct (1977-1979) and a member of the Black Caucus I gained first hand knowledge of the payoffs made to the Caucus Chair. This money allegedly came from the state and local Democratic Party. Thus, the conclusions I am making regarding the economic system within the Black Caucus are based on interviews and more specifically upon my personal observations. (Additional data on how the Caucus functions can be gained from a review of "Chapter 7: Black Organizations," Taken from "The Black Conspiracy: The Rise and Fall of a Commission Form of Government:" unpublished manuscript previously rejected as a doctoral dissertation by Atlanta University Political Science Department. )

The study by Hugh Price, argues another point that differs from Chattanooga Black politics. The Price study reveals that "a few groups have endorsements for sale to the highest bidder, but such organizations quickly lose their position in the Negro community and are seldom able to swing many Negro voters." Black political organizations have not lost favor in Chattanooga. The political socialization process has evidently caused Black voters to accept their particular political circumstances without question. The interviews with individuals that have been active Precinct chairpersons (Walter Tate, Carl Jackson, Edward Burkeen and Newton Scruggs) over time were all explicit on this question.

Black political organizations have a long history of advocating for the rights of the Black community. Often Black organizations that have not carried the banner of politics have had an indirect political involvement. Lennox S.Yearwoood edited a book entitled "Black Organizations: Issues of Survival Techniques."

There are four articles in this book that are beneficial in understanding issues related to Black Vote Selling: Lenneal J. Henderson, "Black Administrators and Politics of Administrative Advocacy," R. O. Hope, "Patterns of Black Leadership," C. Delores Tucker, "The A.B.C.'s of Black Organizational Survival," and Lee P. Brown, "Black Organizations: An Agenda for Survival."

Yearwood in the introduction notes the circumstances that produced Black organizations. Dr. Yearwood argues that Black organizations in America developed in the midst of discrimination and segregation. Yearwood explains that the definitive aspects of Black organizations are broad enough to include colleges and universities, the church, civic and community groups. Social clubs, professional organizations, athletic conferences, hospitals, lodges and clubs segregated by sex, such as women's clubs, black businesses, and welfare organizations are also examples of Black organizations. Essential also in Yearwoods' introductory statement is the question of survival.

Henderson's paper has added utility because it places elected and appointed officials in non-Black organizations in an analytical framework. Thus, do Black administrators "advocate for the interests of civic, community and professional organizations external to the bureaucracies that employs them?" Henderson responds to the previous question with another question "how can such advocacy contribute to the survival of Black values and to the encouragement of organizations pursuing Black values?"

Relating these two questions to the Chattanooga experiences renders the following. Do Black administrators (elected and appointed) in Chattanooga advocate for the real interests of civic, community and professional organizations in the minority community? For the record Black leadership represent the interest of the White power structure first. The organizational interest is represented only in the promotion of personal goals that relate to organizational interest. It is difficult to detect if Black organizations in Chattanooga respond to the cultural value framework described by Henderson. However, the interview data does stipulate that these organizations traditionally move from a class perspective and are consistently motivated by economic gain.

In sum, Professor Henderson argues a point that is quite clear in view of the situation in Chattanooga. Henderson argues that "Black administrators do not automatically represent the interests of Blacks or other groups." Also, in view of the previous mentioned factors Chattanooga's Black organizations (Black Caucus specifically) do not automatically Represent the interests of Black voters. From Henderson's theories, Chattanooga's Black leadership and organizations should relate to well defined cultural values that concern the interest of the majority Black population.

Richard O. Hope notes the patterns of Black leadership in Black organizations. Hope's thesis differs from Henderson's, because he only views three leadership styles involved in Black organizations. In so doing, Hope does not consider cultural values in describing his leadership styles. Therefore, he argues for three leadership patterns within the Weberian framework. These leadership patterns are the charismatic, traditional and legal-bureaucratic leadership types.

Within these leadership models can be found the changing patterns of Black leadership. "It will also be observed that there are incongruities found in this Weberian model which fail to account for patterns of racism in this country."

The unaccountability for racism in the Weberian model can be identified in the ever changing organizational and leadership patterns in the Black community. A key argument in Hope's discussion is that White society seeks to control Black organizations. The essential nature of this argument is evident in view of the plight of Black organizations in Chattanooga. Black organizations are dominated by the White power structure on all levels, not only in Chattanooga, but throughout America.

Cont. Part 10: Hypocrisy Personified: NAACP, Urban League, PUSH, SCLC, Unity Group Also see: The Black Preacher: The Shame of the Ministry http://home.joimail.com/~carlpatton/shameblackpreacher/

FreedomJournal Censorship http://home.joimail.com/~carlpatton/